In 2009, indigenous peoples throughout the world called for a global mobilisation ‘in defence of mother earth’ on October 12, reclaiming the day that used to be imposed as ‘Columbus Day’. Responding to this call, and the demand for a day of action for ‘system change, not climate change’ issued by the global movements gathered in Copenhagen last year, Climate Justice Action is proposing a day of direct action for climate justice on October 12, 2010.
Today, we know…
For years, many had hoped that governments, international summits, even the very industries and corporations that caused the problem in the first place, would do something, anything to stop climate change. In December 2009, at the 15th global climate summit in Copenhagen (COP15), that hope was revealed as an illusion: a comfortable way to delude ourselves into believing that ‘someone else’ could solve the problem for us. That ‘someone’ would make the crisis go away. That there was someone ‘in charge’.
Today, after the disaster of COP15, we are wiser. Today we know:
- That we cannot expect UN-negotiations to solve the climate crisis for us. Governments and corporations are unable (even if they were willing) to deliver equitable and effective action on the root causes of climate change.
- That the climate crisis isn’t a natural process, nor is it accidental. Rather, it’s the inevitable outcome of an economic system that is bound to pursue infinite economic growth at all costs.
- That only powerful climate justice movements can achieve the structural changes that are necessary, whether it is through ending our addiction to fossil fuels, replacing industrial agriculture with local systems of food sovereignty, halting systems based on endless growth and consumption, or addressing the historical responsibility of the global elites’ massive ecological debt to the global exploited.
Today we know that is up to all of us to collectively reclaim power over our daily lives. It is we who must start shutting down and moving beyond the engines of capitalism, the burning of fossil fuels, the conversion of all life into commodities, and the toxic imaginaries of consumerism. It is we who must create different ways of living, other ways of organising our societies.
Today we know that climate justice means taking action ourselves.
The 12th of October: then, and now
As the COP15 came crashing down, so did any remaining belief in the capacity of UN-negotiations to implement equitable or effective solutions. As they plan to stage their 16th summit in Cancun, Mexico, it is becoming clear already that the movements will need to put up a strong fight to stop any attempt to use the UN to profit from the crisis through privatising our forests and carving up our atmosphere. But real and just solutions to the climate crisis will come from elsewhere – we must create other strategies, find other ways out of the crisis.
In the ashes of the COP15, a meeting of global movements proposed organising a global day of action under the banner ‘System Change not Climate Change’. Climate Justice Action, the network responsible for organising some of the disobedient actions in Copenhagen, took up this suggestion by calling for a ‘global day of direct action for climate justice’. Rather than once again following the global summit circus around the world, being forced into nothing but a reaction to their failures, we decided to set our own rhythm and our own schedule for change.
On the 12th of October, 1492, Christopher Columbus first set foot on the landmass that we know today as the Americas, marking the beginning of centuries of colonialism. Thus began the globalisation of a system of domination of the Earth and its people in the eternal pursuit for growth, the subordination of life to the endless thirst for profit. Latin America’s liberation at the beginning of the 19th century put an end to direct rule by foreign crowns, but failed to put an end to the exploitation of the many for the benefit of a few. Instead, this system has become ever more pervasive, reaching to the bottom of the ocean, to the clouds above us, and to the farthest depths of our dreams. This is the system that is causing the climate crisis, and it has a name: capitalism.
This day has recently been reclaimed by movements of indigenous peoples – those who first felt the wrath, the violence, the destructive force of this project – as a day ‘in Defense of Mother Earth’. On May 31, 2009, the IV Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples of Abya Yala (the Americas) called for a Global Mobilization “In defence of Mother Earth and Her People and against the commercialization of life, pollution and the criminalization of indigenous and social movements”.
Today it is all of us, and the entire planet, who increasingly suffer the fate that some five centuries ago befell the indigenous of the Americas and their native lands. Then, it was the colonisers’ mad search for the profit obtained from precious metals that drove them to wipe out entire cultures; today, it is capital’s search for fossil fuels to drive its mad, never-ending expansion, that still wipes out entire cultures, and causes the climate crisis. Then, they were enslaved and often killed to provide labour to the infernal machines of Europe; now, we are all enslaved and exploited to provide labour to the infernal machines of capital. Then, it was a continent and its people that was driven to destruction; today, it is a world and its people that is being driven to destruction. Today, we are all the global exploited.
Of course, not all life submitted to the rule of capital in a single day. Capitalism is a complex web of social relations that took centuries to emerge and dominate almost the entire planet. Nor will we bring down the entire system, or build a new world, in a single day. This day is a symbol, and symbols matter. This day is the unveiling of the root causes of the climate crisis – capitalism. It is an affirmation that – wherever you live and whatever your struggle – we struggle against capital and for other worlds, together.
There’s only one crisis
But why focus on the fight for climate justice at a time when, all around the world, people are losing their jobs, governments are imposing austerity measures, all while the banks are once again posting their exorbitant profits? Doesn’t the ‘economic crisis’ trump the ‘climate crisis’? This perspective, however, looks at the world from above and outside of it. Seen from above, there is a ‘climate crisis’, caused by too much CO2 in the atmosphere, which is a threat to future stability and future profit margins; seen from above, there is an economic crisis, which is a threat to current stability and current profit margins; seen from above, there is an energy crisis, a food crisis, a water crisis… But from where we stand, there are no separate crises. There are only threats to our livelihoods, our reproduction – in short, our survival: it doesn’t matter whether it is a physical tsunami that destroys our houses, or a tsunami of destruction wrought by recession. Either way, we end up homeless.
The reason we can’t treat the apparently separate crises as separate? They are all symptoms of the same sickness. They are, all of them, the result of capital’s need for eternal growth, a cancerous growth that is fuelled by the ever-expanding exploitation of social and natural ‘resources’ – including fossil fuels. Crisis is, in fact, the standard mode of operation for this global system.
To struggle for climate justice, then, is to recognise that all these crises are linked; that the climate crisis is as much as social and economic crisis as it is an environmental disaster. To struggle for climate justice is at the same time struggling against the madness of capitalism, against austerity enforced from above, against their insistence on the need for continued ‘growth’ (green or otherwise). Climate justice isn’t about saving trees or polar bears – though we probably should do both. It is about empowering communities to take back power over their own lives. It is about leaving fossil fuels in the ground and creating socialised renewable energy systems; it is about food sovereignty against the domination of, and destruction caused, by industrial agribusiness; it is about massively reducing working hours, and starting to live different lives; it is about reducing overproduction for overconsumption by elites in the North and the South. Climate justice, in short, is the struggle for a good life for us all.
Global movements for climate justice
In April this year more than 30,000 people came together in Cochabamba, Bolivia, for the Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth (CMPCC
We invite all those who fight for social and ecological justice to organise direct actions targeting climate criminals and false solutions, or creating real alternatives. This means taking direct responsibility for making change happen, not lobbying others to act on your behalf, but through actively closing things down and opening things up. This is an open callout, we are not picking targets. But it is not a day for marches or petitions: it is time for us to reclaim our power, and take control of our lives and futures.
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From: Climate Justice Action email@example.com
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(Podréis encontrar el boletín en español después de la versión en inglés)
Hello all ! This is the
JUNE 2010 CJA NEWSLETTER
We had a very pleasant and productive CJA meeting at the lovely Klimacamp in Bonn on May 29th-30th-31st. Discussions were good and decisions were made, (including some organisational changes which allow you to read this very newsletter on this list!).
This newsletter will cover :
Key decisions from last meeting :
-12th October – Global day of action
-COP 16 : Support of La Via Campesina’s call for « A thousand Cancuns »
-CJA working structure
-Building strategy on climate justice in Europe
Next CJA meeting
Climate events and actions scheduled in the coming months
(For the full minutes of the meeting, please go to http://www.climate-justice-action.org/resources/documents/)
On the global day of direct action for ‘system change not climate change’ – October 12
October 12: At the Amsterdam gathering CJA decided to call for a day of direct action for ‘system change not climate change’. The date of 12 October was chosen by CJA in response to an existing call for action from the Latin-American network Minga Global, which they have reclaimed as a ‘Day in Defence of Mother Earth’. That day used to be Columbus day. It has been reclaimed as a day of action on the theme of colonialism. We, as CJA, would like to connect to the symbol of this day by linking this colonial history to the multiple crises happening now and to the rise of the climate justice movement that seeks to address them.
Several groups, in Europe and worldwide, are already responding to the call and are planning actions on that day.
Week of action : There was a discussion on how to work on a common frame for the week. The issue here being that we have political divergence with some of the groups that are organizing actions during this week too. For example, the network 350.org is planning a joint day of action with the group 10:10 (on the 10/10…), which has companies like E-ON or EDF on board.
DECISION: We will start to discuss a common framework with our obvious allies, like La Via Campesina or Jubilee South, and to defer decisions on the week of action to our next meeting.
Two groups started working on that day:
- The Story-telling/media group will create a four page document to tell the story of what this day of action aims to be and to link struggles around the world.
- The Mobilisation/Materials/Networking group is planning on getting a poster done for next meeting. There will be resources on the web to connect the various actions and help making the day of action global.
Mobilization for the COP 16 – Nov 29 – Dec 10 2010 : Support of La Via Campesina’s call for « a thousand Cancuns "
A KlimaForum is planned at COP16, on a similar idea to that of Copenhagen. Some networks have expressed the concern that it doesn’t take into consideration local realities and regional processes.
In response, La Via Campesina sent out a call for a decentralized strategy of protest during the COP 16 summit, in order to create “A thousand Cancuns”.
DECISION: We will write an open letter supporting La Via Campesina’s call for « a 1000 Cancuns », and supporting regional processes. We will not commit CJA to specific actions.
This last part of the decision was made after discussions about the capacity to mobilise during this time, but there was agreement that our allies need support quickly and there is the possibility to commit to actions in a separate call out at a later date.
CJA’s working structure
Communication between meetings:
DECISION: To abandon Climate09 mailing list and create a new list for CJA network. This will be complimented by a new crabgrass network where most work will be organised.
DECISION: Person previously handling finance has now taken over a transparency role along with a second person. Finance role has been handed over.
Decision making between meetings:
DECISION: We should avoid making decisions on anything that can wait until next meeting. Working groups should be encouraged to make decisions within their remit. When decisions do need to be made a form will be completed explaining relevant information, sent out to the list, then the decision making process will happen on crabgrass. As much time as possible will be given for people to respond.
Process group tasks and planning the next meeting:
DECISION: a process group is needed for the email account, circulation of minutes, checking working groups are doing their tasks and producing the news letter. The task of planning the next meeting will be delegated to a separate group.
Building strategy on climate justice in Europe
This strategic discussion is crucial for developing the CJA network, and there is a need for a network like CJA to take on these questions. We investigated the possibility of something like a strategies for a Europe wide ‘strategies for climate justice’ gathering to occur in Spring 2011.
DECISION: create thematic groups to look at developing what climate justice means in Europe. Groups will be created on crabgrass for discussion and we will look to our allies for help where we do not have theoretical capacity.
We outlined a series of thematic threads emerging within this:
o Climate debt
o Food and agriculture
o Energy systems
o Borders and military
o Possibility of housing
o Green/climate Jobs
A person or small group has taken on each of these thematic threads. These threads should aid to produce a strategy document for the basis of the strategy meeting.
The next CJA meeting is planned on August 28-29. It will be located at this summer’s Earthfirst Netherlands Gathering.
Further information on the exact location will be sent out in the next newsletter.
During this meeting, we already planned to discuss many exciting issues such as:
- Assessing capacity from groups to respond to ‘1000 Cancun’ call out;
- Further discussion and planning around the 12th October;
- What do we do after Cancun? Developing our future strategies;
- Evaluating the new process and working tools
These are some relevant events happening in Europe over the summer. If you know of events happening in other parts of the world to include in the next newsletter, please email firstname.lastname@example.org
- Nordic climate camp 14-20 July
- France: Climate camp 22 July – 1 August in Normandy, focusing on Total.
- Belgium : climate camp from 29 July – 4 August in Liège.
- Ireland: Climate camp from 12-16 august in co. Tyrone to support the local community campaign that is in opposition to the building of a new A5 road.
- Wales : Action focused camp in the south welsh coalfields, 13-17 August
- United Kingdom, Edinburgh 19 – 15 August, targeting RBS
- No borders camp, Brussels, 27 Sep – 3 Oct
- Germany: Two camps near open mines.
- The Netherlands: groups are targeting coal power stations.
That's it for now, see you at one of these events!
BOLETÍN CJA JUNIO 2010 Hola a tod@s! Del 29 al 30-31 de mayo tuvimos un encuentro de CJA muy agradable y productivo en en el hermoso Campamento Climático de Bonn. Las discusiones fueron interesantes y se tomaron decisiones, (incluyendo algunos cambios de organización que te permiten leer este boletín en esta lista!). Este boletín incluye:
Decisiones claves de la última reunión:
-12 de octubre: Día de Acción Global
-COP16: Apoyo de la convocatoria de La Vía Campesina para «Millares de Cancunes»
-Estructura de trabajo de CJA
-Construcción de la estrategia sobre la Justicia Climática en Europa
Siguiente reunión CJA
Eventos climáticos y acciones programadas en los próximos meses
DECISIONES CLAVE DE LA REUNIÓN DE CJA EN BONN, 29-31 DE MAYO (Podéis encontrar los comentarios del encuentro adjuntados en Español) Sobre el Día Global de Acción Directa para un “Cambio de sistema, no de clima”: 12 de octubre. 12 de octubre: En la reunión de Amsterdam, CJA decidió convocar una jornada de acción directa para un “Cambio de sistema, no de clima”. La fecha del 12 de octubre fue elegido por CJA en respuesta a una llamada a la acción desde la Red Latinoamericana Minga Global, quienes han reclamado que sea un "Día en Defensa de la Madre Tierra". Ese día solía ser día el de Colón (o Día de la Hispanidad). Se ha recuperado como un día de acción que incida en la cuestión del colonialismo. Nosotros, como CJA, queremos conectar con el simbolismo de este día enlazando esta historia colonial con las múltiples crisis que ocurren ahora, y con el surgimiento del movimiento que busca la Justicia Climática para hacerles frente. Varios grupos, en Europa y en todo el mundo, ya están respondiendo a la llamada y están planeando acciones en ese día. Semana de Acción: Hubo un debate sobre cómo trabajar en un marco común para la semana. La cuestión aquí es que tenemos divergencias políticas con algunos de los grupos que están organizando acciones durante esta semana también. Por ejemplo, la red de 350.org está planeando un día de acción conjunto con el grupo de 10:10 (en la 10/10 ...), que cuenta con empresas como E-ON o EDF a bordo. DECISIÓN: Vamos a comenzar a discutir un marco común con nuestros aliados obvios, como la Vía Campesina o Jubileo Sur, y aplazar las decisiones sobre la Semana de Acción para nuestra próxima reunión. Dos grupos comenzaron a trabajar en ese día:
- El grupo Narrativas/Medios creará un documento de cuatro páginas para contar la historia de lo que este día de acción pretende ser y que enlace las luchas de todo el mundo.
- El grupo Movilización / Materiales / Redes está planificando cómo disponer de un cartel para la próxima reunión. Habrá recursos en la red para conectar las distintas acciones y ayudar a llevar a cabo el Día de Acción Global. Movilización para el COP 16 (29 de noviembre-10 de diciembre de 2010): Apoyo de la convocatoria de La Vía Campesina, para «Millares de Cancunes" Está previsto para el COP16 un Klimaforum con una idea similar a la de Copenhague. Algunas redes han expresado la preocupación de que no tiene en cuenta las realidades locales y los procesos regionales.
En respuesta, La Vía Campesina ha hecho un llamamiento para una estrategia descentralizada de protesta durante la Cumbre del COP 16, con el fin de crear "Millares de Cancunes". DECISIÓN: Vamos a escribir una carta abierta de apoyo a la convocatoria de La Vía Campesina, para “Millares de Cancunes” y para apoyar los procesos regionales. No vamos a comprometernos como CJA a acciones concretas. Esta última parte de la decisión fue tomada después de las discusiones sobre la capacidad de movilización que hemos tenido durante este tiempo, pero hubo acuerdo en que nuestros aliados necesitan apoyo de forma rápida y existe la posibilidad de comprometernos a acciones en una llamada por separado y en una fecha posterior.
Estructura de trabajo de CJA Comunicación entre reuniones: DECISIÓN: Abandonar la lista de correo Climate09 y crear una nueva lista para la red CJA. Esto será complementado por una red crabgrass nueva donde se organice la mayoría del trabajo. Finanzas: DECISIÓN: La persona que manejaba anteriormente las finanzas se ha hecho cargo de la función de garantizar transparencia, junto con una segunda persona. La función de encargarse de las Finanzas ha sido traspasada. Toma de decisiones entre las reuniones: DECISIÓN: Se debe evitar la toma de decisiones en todo lo que pueda esperar hasta la próxima reunión. Los grupos de trabajo deberían ser animados a tomar decisiones de su competencia. Cuando sea necesario tomar decisiones, habrá un formulario con la información más relevante, se enviará a la lista, y luego el proceso de toma de decisiones será en crabgrass. Se dará tanto tiempo como sea posible para que la gente responda. Tareas del grupo dinamizador y planificación de la próxima reunión: DECISIÓN: un grupo de construcción del proceso o dinamizador es necesario para la cuenta de correo electrónico, la circulación de actas, comprobar que los grupos de trabajo están haciendo sus tareas y para producir boletines de noticias. La tarea de la planificación de la próxima reunión será delegada a un grupo separado.
Construcción de una estrategia sobre Justicia Climática en Europa
Esta discusión estratégica es crucial para el desarrollo de la red CJA, y es necesario para una red como CJA asumir estas preguntas. Se investigó la posibilidad de algo así como una variedad de estrategias para Europa, "Estrategias para la justicia climática”, asamblea que se producirá en la primavera de 2011. DECISIÓN: crear grupos temáticos para tratar de desarrollar lo que significa la justicia climática en Europa. Los grupos de debate serán creados en el crabgrass y pediremos ayuda a nuestros aliados cuando no tengamos capacidad teórica. Hemos esbozado una serie de discusiones temáticas emergentes:
● Deuda climática
● Alimentación y agricultura
● Sistemas energéticos
● Fronteras y militarismo
● Posibilidad de vivienda
● Trabajos ‘verdes’ o climáticos Una persona o un pequeño grupo se ha hecho cargo de cada uno de estos hilos temáticos. Estas discusiones deben ayudar a producir un documento estratégico que sirva como base para la reunión o encuentro sobre estrategia.
SIGUIENTE REUNIÓN DE CJA La próxima reunión de CJA está prevista para el 28-29 de agosto. Será en el Encuentro de verano La Tierra Primero de Holanda (Earthfirst Netherlands Gathering)
Será enviada en el próximo boletín más información sobre la ubicación exacta. Durante esta reunión, ya hemos planeado para discutir muchos temas interesantes como: ● Evaluar la capacidad de los grupos para responder a la convocatoria “Un millar de cancunes”.
● Más discusión y planificación sobre el 12 de octubre;
● ¿Qué hacemos después de Cancún? El desarrollo de nuestras estrategias de futuro;
● Evaluar el nuevo proceso y herramientas de trabajo
Eventos climáticos y acciones en Europa en los próximos meses Estos son algunos hechos relevantes que ocurrirán en Europa durante el verano. Si conoces acontecimientos que vayan a suceder en otras partes del mundo, avísanos para incluirlo en el siguiente boletín al correo electrónico email@example.com
- Campamento climático nórdico: 14 al 20 julio
- Francia: campamento climático, del 22 de julio al 1 de agosto 1, en Normandía, centrado en Total (la empresa petroquímica y energética).
- Bélgica: campamento por el clima del 29 de julio 29 al 4 de agosto, en Lieja.
- Irlanda: Tendrán un campamento del 12 al 16 de augosto en el co. Tyrone
- País de Gales: Las actividades se centraron en el campo de minas de carbón galés sur, 13 a 17 agosto
- Reino Unido, Edimburgo 19-15 agosto, apuntando a RBS
- Campamento No Borders, Bruselas, 27 septiembre-3 octubre
- Alemania: Dos campamentos cerca de minas a cielo abierto.
- Países Bajos: los grupos se dirigen a las estaciones eléctricas de carbón.
<ENCUENTRO_CJA_EN_BONN spanish version.rtf>
From Mueller, 5/2010
Copenhagen, Denmark, December 2009. The climate summit’s failure manages to underwhelm even the already low expectations of the emerging global climate justice movement. Once it becomes obvious that none of the major emitters, neither the US nor the EU, Japan or Australia, has committed to the necessary dramatic emissions reductions, the so-called “Copenhagen Accord” is being negotiated outside the official processes under the leadership of the United States. (And why should the major emitters reduce their emissions? In a fossil-fuel based capitalist economy, reducing emissions implies a politically unpalatable reduction of economic growth.) The Accord claims it wants to limit global warming to 2° Celsius, but in pursuit of this ambitious goal it proposes only voluntary emissions reductions, without any mechanisms for enforcing these commitments, or for penalising those countries that fail to meet their commitments. It is the resistance of governments from Venezuela, Sudan and Bolivia that ultimately stops the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) from officially adopting the Accord. Instead, the text it is merely “taken note of” – as is the quality of the catering at the summit. The worst-case scenario feared by many in the movements and in critical NGOs, that a bad deal might be greenwashed, thus does not come to pass. Only the politically colour-blind could see the Accord as being genuinely green. The supposedly “last, best chance to save the planet” thus passes, after a two-week summit during which the prospect of the disappearance of entire island states under water and the evacuation of their populations had become a new normality that people accepted without flinching.
Yet not only to those who would prefer no climate deal at all to even a weak one, the two-week summit is far from a complete disaster. Many in the emerging global climate justice movement, especially those who from the beginning took the hope for a “fair, ambitious and binding deal” as pie-in-the-sky, can point to successes of their own: the demonstration on Saturday 12.12. was probably the single largest explicit ‘climate change’ demonstration ever (though its political intentions were fuzzy at best, ranging from the ‘do something about climate change, please’, to the traditionally anticapitalist ‘shut down capitalism, now!’); over a two-week period, more than 50,000 people attended Klimaforum09, the countersummit in Copenhagen, which produced a widely disseminated final declaration that effectively brought together the various political positions in the movement; while the last major action, Reclaim Power, expressed a new relationship between movements on the streets, NGOs and governments, between ‘inside’ and ‘outside’, in a way that augured in a new phase of global movement politics. In that sense it mattered that Hugo Chavez, in his address to the UNFCCC, quoted the slogan that the movements had been articulating for weeks in their workshops and chanting in the streets: Change the system, not the climate!
Given the obvious failure of official climate change politics on the one hand, and the possible emergence of a new social force on the other, Bolivia’s president Evo Morales lays an interesting wager. He calls for an alternative climate summit – more precisely: a “Global Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth” – to gather all those progressive forces that want to develop an explicitly anticapitalist climate politics. The meeting is to take place in Cochabamba, a city made famous ten years ago in the global movements by the Guerra del Agua, the ‘water war’ that brought together rural irrigators and campesinos, urban factory workers, unemployed miners, and cocaleros (coca leaf growers), who successfully overturned the contract that had privatised the municipal water system and threw the US-based multinational Bechtel out of Bolivia. Much is at stake: so far, the left’s response to the failure of official climate change politics consists of little more than the usual moralising appeals and demands, but lacking sufficient social force to implement them. Put differently: it may be technically correct to say that ‘capitalism’ is to blame for climate change, but it doesn’t help us much in light of the continued expansion of the fossil-fuel system – despite attempts to institute a kind of ‘green capitalism’. What might an anticapitalist climate politics look like? How can it be implemented? And maybe most importantly: by whom?
In Cochabamba, these and other questions were to be discussed by an almost unprecedented constellation of actors: not since the days of the 3rd International had progressive governments and movements been brought together on such an equal footing, outside the often stifling UN-framework and in the context of such an explicitly anticapitalist discourse.
On the one side, we get the progressive Latin American governments, some of them organised in the ALBA-bloc (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America: Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Ecuador). Of these, the Bolivian is by far the one closest to social movements, being itself the result of an intense cycle of largely indigenous social struggles over the course of the last decade. The relevance of this lies in the fact that the movements for climate justice, even more so than other radical left movements, rely strongly on the agenda-setting, the political leadership of often indigenous ‘frontline communities’ (that is, of those groups who are most directly affected by climate change as well as by the so-called ‘false solutions’ like emissions trading or agrofuels).
But looking beyond discourse to the ‘material basis’ of the Bolivian economy, things suddenly look somewhat different. While there is much talk of Pachamama, of Mother Earth and its rights in the run-up to and during the summit, the left-wing Latin American project is in fact grounded in a political economy that the Uruguayan intellectual Eduardo Gudynas has dubbed the “New Extractivism”. To be sure, progressive governments have made significant progress in poverty reduction, and have accompanied (that is, have been produced by and have furthered) genuine transformation in social force relations. What is on display in Bolivia and elsewhere in the region is a sort of neo-Keynesian desarrollismo (developmentalism), with strongly redistributive policies. But these welcome policies are financed by the exploitation of the very Pachamama whose rights are on the agenda in Cochabamba: be it the exploitation of mines (coal, lithium, copper), the construction of dams, the pumping of oil, or the expansion of hyperintensive soy-monocultures. Gudynas argues that “the progressive governments [in Latin America] reduce economic development to economic growth, which in turn can be achieved primarily by way of the expansion of exports and increasing investments. The new extractivism is one of the central means for reaching these goals.”
There are thus two tensions within the Bolivian as well as the broader Bolivarian project. First, a contradiction exists between discourse and material basis (a seemingly old-fashioned, but in this case definitely appropriate distinction): flowery talk notwithstanding, the Bolivian government’s capacity to effectively raise living standards within the country largely depends on high prices for natural gas and other raw materials, that is, on a fossil fuel-based, extractive economy. This hardly looks like one of the “real solutions” so often invoked by the climate justice movement, that would quickly deliver significant emissions reductions while at the same time beginning to overturn the social relations that produce the crisis in the first place. Second, social conflicts seem to arise almost necessarily around traditional resource extraction. Two quick examples: just days before the climate meeting in Cochabamba, the Bolivian town of San Cristobal saw the occupation of corporate offices and blockades of train lines during protests against a local silver mine. The protesters’ demands? End environmental devastation, and supply the local communities with water and electricity. In addition, intense protests are taking place in southwest Bolivia against hydroelectric power plants that the Bolivian government plans to build together with Brazil.
This neo-extractivist model of development, as well as the need for sometimes repressively controlling the conflicts that arise around it, clearly doesn’t sit very well with a conference about the rights of Pachamama, where the global movements are supposed to get together with progressive governments to discuss socially just solutions to the climate crisis. What to do? The Bolivian government simply decided to exclude not only these kinds of local and national questions from the conference’s agenda – with the ludicrous justification that local questions had no place in an international conference – but also, as a result, those groups and movements critical of the government and its developmental model. Those for whom this move is eerily reminiscent of the cynical positions taken in Copenhagen by the likes of Angela Merkel, who likes to be feted internationally as the saviour of the climate, while continuing to build coal fired power plants at home at an alarming rate, may be forgiven. The exclusion of these questions and voices from the summit led groups critical of Evo Morales and his Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) to create the alternative mesa 18, the ‘18th working group’, where the Bolivian model as well as the new extractivism were openly criticised. To complicate things further, and to briefly jump ahead in the storytelling: the problem with criticising Evo and his MAS from the left is the political right, which has organised a strong separatist movement in the comparatively wealthy ‘Media Luna’ region in Bolivia’s lowlands, that constitutes a serious challenge to the stability of the country and the continuation of Morales’ government. Thus, when two right-wing members of parliament wanted to join the participants of the mesa 18, they were denounced as fascists, and expelled from the proceedings. Why? Because the anti-MAS left has at all costs to avoid the impression of joining forces with the right against Evo.
On one side, then, the Bolivian government with all its contradictions – which are in turn a reflexion of the complexity of the ‘new left’ in Latin America. And on the other side? There we encounter a process that, with a certain dose of Gramscian optimism, can be referred to as the emerging global climate justice movement. This movement is itself the result of a fusion between parts of the alterglobalist summit protest- and social forum-milieus with radical environmental groups and activists (or those radicalised by the failure of the UNFCCC), at a time when, on the one hand, neoliberalism was rapidly losing its ideological and integrative power, and on the other hand, climate change had begun to force its way onto the political and economic agenda, both as a socio-environmental problem, and as a new opportunity for “green” development and growth.
What appears as a new movement from one vantage point, however, is at the same time simply the next phase of global social struggles in an age of what ten years ago was simply called ‘globalisation’. The first phase was characterised by the common rejection of neoliberalism (‘one no, many yeses’), the rejection of Thatcher’s dogma that there is no alternative (‘another world is possible’), and the widespread refusal to work with institutional left-wing actors, not to mention governments. The World Social Forum’s Charter, for example, explicitly prohibits the participation of parties, and one of the most popular leftist theory books of the last ten years was John Holloway’s Change the World Without Taking Power.
In the second cycle, however, some things are shifting: due to, on the one hand, neoliberalism’s waning strength in institutions such as left-wing and Social Democratic parties, trade unions and some governments; and, on the other, because this waning has highlighted the weakness of the anti-neoliberal movement, its inability to institutionalise, i.e. render permanent, its gains and victories, there has lately been a change in the way that the relationship to institutions is being thought in the global movements. Where a crass anti-institutionalism used to reign – which, to be clear, was entirely appropriate to the situation – today we encounter openness, questions, and new connections. One example of this is the Reclaim Power-action mentioned above, during the preparation of which (post-)autonomous activists collaborated, or at least negotiated, with governments and a whole range of actors that ‘back in the days’ would have been distrusted on account of their (ill-defined) status as ‘NGOs’ – another example is the movement’s unclear relationship to the UNFCCC. A third, obviously, is the conference in Cochabamba itself.
The second strategic difference we encounter in this second cycle refers to the ‘one no’ and the ‘many yeses’. After the end of neoliberalism’s hegemony, there is no longer a unifying ‘no’, while at the same time there is much more political space within which radical, even anticapitalist, positions can be articulated. All this, coupled with the growing urgency of the climate crisis, has produced a situation where there is greater pressure on the emerging climate justice movements to produce ‘positive’ proposals that can be implemented at a global scale than there was on the alterglobalisation movement.
Building on the work of the environmental justice movement, and networks like the “Durban Group for Climate Justice”, the idea of ‘climate justice’ has thus quickly established itself as an important new discursive common ground for the movement, a discourse that in fact contains a number of “directions demands”: that fossil fuels be left in the ground; that industrial agriculture be replaced with local systems of food sovereignty; that the ecological debt owed by the global North to the South be recognised, among others. Obviously, these demands might sound different depending on where they are used, and they might be more appropriate for struggles in the South than in the urban regions of the North: does climate justice mean the same thing in Europe as it does in Latin America? The same thing in Bolivia as it does in Brazil? In this sense, even if there is today greater pressure, and space, for positive proposals, one thing has not changed much from one phase to another: then, inspired by the poetry of the Zapatistas, the idea was to “walk while asking questions” (caminamos preguntando). While the conference thus gave very few answers, it raised many questions, and gave space for problematics to emerge, without being solved – little else was, is, possible at this point. Problematics wouldn’t be problematic if they were amenable to easy solutions…
More than 30,000 participants, almost 10,000 of them from abroad – mostly Latin American, a surprising number of North Americans. Europe and Asia are badly represented, thanks to the Icelandic volcano; representation from Africa is even worse, probably thanks to the absence of funds. Nonetheless: now we are in Cochabamba to talk about the structural changes that we know to be necessary. Government delegations from countries all over the world, summithopping autonomists, UN-bureaucrats, Andean coca farmers. In the run-up to the summit, 17 working groups had been created to deal with a multiplicity of topics, ranging from strategies for action to forests, from indigenous rights to migration, long discussions were conducted via email-lists. Imagine the difficulties of translation: not just linguistically, also culturally. How do autonomous movement activists and UN-bureaucrats talk to each other? In this regard it was especially the central working structures of the conference, the mesas (working groups) that were interesting attempts to bring together the different languages, methods and goals of the various actors. In this sense, the mesas were certainly problematic: not (necessarily) because they were badly organised, but rather, because they were an expression of problematics, of open questions marking this new phase of struggles.
Many stories could now be told of this conflictual cooperation. Of the working group on forests, where the movements managed to defeat an attempt by the Bolivian government to get them to support the UN-programme REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation), unpopular with many indigenous groups for threatening to take control of their ancestral forests out of their hands. Of Via Campesina’s ultimately successful last-minute move to, together with some international allies, prevent the conference from adopting a document that proposed the creation of a new ‘Global Alliance of Peoples and Movements’, a kind of new ‘International from Above’ that would tie up movements’ scarce resources while adding little to the already existing concert of international fora and networks. Of the many working groups where these kinds of conflicts did not arise, where either the government’s agenda (e.g. to push for an international referendum on climate change), or the movements’ agenda dominated (e.g. in the working group on climate financing). But these stories, interesting as they may be, might lead us a bit too far into the event’s nitty-gritty details. For more of an overview of the conference’s outcomes, it is probably most interesting to take a look at the final declaration. This long text definitely packs some political punch, and unites within itself a sometimes confusing multiplicity of demands, many of which come directly from the movements, others emerge straight from the Bolivian government’s strategic considerations (which, incidentally, raises the question of what happens to movements’ demands that are taken up by governments?).
The “Cochabamba People’s Accord” opens with some choice bits of anticapitalist and anti-growth rhetoric: “The capitalist system has imposed on us a logic of competition, progress and limitless growth… In order for there to be balance with nature, there must first be equity among human beings… The model we support is not a model of limitless and destructive development.” This definitely sounds good, and is almost certainly useful in the debate about the possibility and desirability of ‘infinite growth on a finite planet’ that seems to be slowly taking off in parts of the global North. But what are the concrete strategic steps that are being proposed – and where do their problems lie?
The two suggestions emanating from the conference that received the most coverage were the plans to hold a “global” referendum on climate change, and the idea of setting up an international environmental/climate crimes court. On the first proposal: over the course of rather controversial discussions it became clear that the referendum is a project that would make a lot of sense in a Latin American context: there is a long history here of using referenda and consultas as tools of conscientización, of consciousness-raising, for example in the resistance to the Free Trade Area of the Americas. Many activists from the North and from Asia, however, viewed it more critically. How would Europeans respond to questions about climate change and the necessary changes to patterns of production and consumption that dealing with it would entail? How about North Americans? And finally: how do you hold a referendum in China?
The international climate court is a similarly vexed project. On the one hand, the legal institutionalisation of social movements’ demands and successes is certainly an important part of ‘winning’. On the other hand, the creation of such an institution would demand an amazing amount of work from all parts of the climate justice movement – and do we really, after 15 years of pointlessly working away inside the UNFCCC, direct all our constituent power into this kind of international institutional process?
One central demand of the climate justice movement, which was taken up and further amplified in Cochabamba, has always been that the global North recognise and start making reparations for its ecological/climate debt to the global South. Now the conference has put a figure to this demand: Northern governments are to spend some 6% of their annual GDP on this debt. In principle, this call is a good thing, no doubt. In practice, the demand runs up against some problems – not insurmountable ones, but problems nonetheless. First, by way of which institutional mechanism are these funds going to flow? Not, we hope, through the World Bank, an institution that has excelled at rebranding itself the new ‘Green Bank’ while at the same time continuing to pour significant funds into fossil-fuel projects. And indeed, here the proposals of the financing working group are clear: “a new financial mechanism shall be established under the authority of the UNFCCC, replacing the Global Environment Facility and its intermediaries such as the World Bank and the Regional Development Banks.” Second, to whom will these funds be paid? (Here, both the question and the answer need to be formulated carefully.) To Southern governments? Here, the term ‘global South’ might be covering up one too many conflicts between governments and sectors of society. Third, and from a European perspective most pressingly: given that the payment of climate debt could be framed as yet another reason for draconian austerity measures in Europe, and that people, as a discussion at UK-climate camp once pointed out, are unlikely to riot for austerity, how can we turn this into a demand that won’t leave us even more marginalised in the political battles raging on the continent right now? One way out of this would be for the movements to demand that payment of this ecological debt be tied to restrictions on where the money might come from. It would have to come from taxes on polluters that do not involve these costs being passed on to those who, say, need to consume energy to heat their homes. To be clear: this is not to reject the demand as such, it is merely to point out some of the practical challenges that the struggle for it faces, especially because this one has been so central in the movement.
In general, the “global North” comes in for much criticism in the conference’s final declaration: it is being urged to take responsibility for the many so-called ‘climate refugees’ (use of this category, by the way, is also contested by those who argue that it illegitimately constructs and then privileges one ‘type’ of migrant – ecological – over others – ‘economic’), and to open its borders to them; and to reduce its emissions by 50% from 2013 to 2017, against a 1990 baseline. The text also repeatedly refers to “indigenous peoples”, their economies and their ways of life: on the one hand as a source of legitimacy and moral anchor, and on the other hand, as a rhetorical anti-growth device. We can only hope that these ways of life and economies not only continue to survive their confrontation with the global North but also with the new Extractivism of the Latin American New Left. In this regard it is interesting, although hardly surprising, to note that one central movement demand does not appear in the final document: to leave fossil fuels in the ground. Comrades Evo and Hugo would not have appreciated that one.
Concluding this review of the summit’s outcomes, there are the positive things that always happen beyond the ‘official’ statements when global and normally dispersed movements come together: the networking, the strategising, the planning – and the collective fun. For example: a call for action initially articulated in Latin America, for a “day of action in defence of mother earth” (on the 12th of October, on what used to be known as ‘Columbus Day’), was picked up in Europe by Climate Justice Action and turned into a call for “direct action for climate justice”. In Cochabamba, this day of action may have become a week of action where a variety of networks, ranging from the radical (Via Campesina: on the 16th of October, there will be a day of action against Monsanto) to the moderate (350.org is organising a day of action, called ‘get to work’, on the 10th of October) are currently discussing the possibility of coordinating their days of action. While there are significant political differences between some of these networks, and the week of action remains thus far merely a possibility, the potential for the various parts of the movements to cooperate in taking some form of direct action definitely marks an exciting outcome of Cochabamba.
The Crystal Ball: the Good, the Bad, and the Unclear
Events like the alternative climate summit in Bolivia always raise one question: what effects do they have? The impacts, let alone the ‘successes’ of social movements are notoriously hard to judge or measure, especially with the conference being such a recent event. Will the final declaration become the ‘new programme’ of the movements? Probably not, but some things are already becoming a bit clearer: first, only a few days after the conference, the Bolivian government submitted a document based on the results of the conference to the UNFCCC. In other words, the demands of the global climate justice movement are now official discussion materials within a UN-process, in a way that is probably quite unprecedented. Of course, it’s also possible that the UNFCCC as an institution has lost all political relevance, but that’s another matter. The document is also likely to have an internally unifying effect (with all the ambivalence that this term might carry): for example, the network Climate Justice Now! has announced that it will support the positions taken in the “Cochabamba Accord” both inside and outside the UN-process. But whether this means that positions that did not end up in the accord will be marginalised remains to be seen – the potential for this to happen definitely exists.
Beyond the text it is likely that Cochabamba will contribute to a strengthening of anticapitalist and ‘movementist’ discourses within the climate debate: that a president would use his institutional position to explicitly link capitalism and its need for rapacious growth to the climate crisis is, in the current situation, certainly a very positive development; as is the highlighting of the role of movements in the struggle for climate justice. Discussions within the global movements will also be affected: the process, begun some years ago, whereby global struggles are increasingly (also) orienting themselves around the question of climate justice will have been sped up in Cochabamba.
As time passes, more questions will undoubtedly continue to] arise as a result of the Bolivian summit. Should we focus on Cancún? And in the meantime? What of those who argue that a climate justice movement strategy needs to start looking beyond the UNFCCC? More questions. More walking.
But hopefully, we’ll start to answer some of these questions soon …